Venance konan analyzes the fading face of panafricanism today

As the South African justice system prepares to rule on the fate of Kémi Séba—arrested in mid-April while attempting to enter Zimbabwe illegally—writer Venance Konan questions whether this high-profile panafricanist activist, boasting 1.5 million social media followers, truly embodies the modern spirit of panafricanism. This moment offers a chance to reflect on the movement’s history and its many transformations.

What could possibly unite a black panafricanist activist with a white South African apartheid nostalgic? The case of Kémi Séba—legal name Stellio Gilles Robert Capo Chichi, a Beninese national holding a Nigerian diplomatic passport—highlights this odd alliance. Recently arrested in South Africa alongside his 18-year-old son and François Van der Merwe, a white supremacist activist longing for apartheid’s return, Séba’s situation raises serious questions about the movement’s current direction.

As president of the NGO Urgences panafricanistes, Séba gained prominence through his vehement anti-French rhetoric, opposition to the franc CFA currency, and controversial antisemitic remarks—views that led to his loss of French citizenship. According to available reports, Séba was attempting to illegally enter Zimbabwe, possibly en route to Europe. In Benin, he faces charges of “glorifying state security crimes and inciting rebellion” for publicly supporting soldiers involved in last December’s failed coup attempt. An international arrest warrant has been issued against him.

Kémi Séba joins figures like Franklin Nyamsi and Nathalie Yamb as some of Francophone Africa’s loudest panafricanist voices, all spearheading opposition to French presence on the continent. Yet these same figures have become Russia’s most vocal propagandists in Africa while openly supporting the military juntas ruling the Alliance of Sahel States (AES)—Assimi Goïta of Mali, Ibrahim Traoré of Burkina Faso, and Abdourahamane Tiani of Niger. Has modern panafricanism reduced itself to fighting France only to place itself under Russian domination, supporting putschists who claim to despise democracy?

Panafricanism emerged in the early 20th century among black intellectuals in the Americas and Caribbean, evolving into a powerful anti-colonial force across Africa. Visionary leaders like Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Sékou Touré of Guinea, and Patrice Lumumba of Congo shaped the movement. The Fédération des étudiants d’Afrique noire en France (FEANF), founded in 1950, played a crucial role in mobilizing students for decolonization and continental unity, despite fierce French repression including reduced scholarships and police surveillance—leading to its eventual dissolution in 1980.

The independence of Ghana in 1957 and most African nations in 1960 were seen as triumphs of panafricanist struggle. The creation of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) marked progress toward continental unity. However, post-independence realities quickly undermined these ambitions. Instead of unity, Africa witnessed fragmentation through secessions like Eritrea and the division of Sudan, along with failed attempts in Biafra and Casamance.

In 2002, Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi attempted to revive the dream of African unity by transforming the OAU into the African Union (AU), but this initiative failed to gain traction. The AU’s 2001 launch of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) similarly faded into obscurity. Meanwhile, the continent continues to grapple with internal conflicts while simultaneously turning against its own people—South Africa’s treatment of African immigrants and West Africa’s strained relations between Sahel states and ECOWAS members exemplify this contradiction.

Today, panafricanism often appears more as political lip service than genuine commitment. African leaders frequently declare their panafricanist credentials—Laurent Gbagbo of Côte d’Ivoire recently launched the Parti des peuples africains-Côte d’Ivoire (PPA-CI), while Senegal’s ruling party, the PASTEF, claims the same mantle. Yet in practice, African nations either engage in internal strife or maintain hostile relations with neighboring states.

Where have all the genuine panafricanists gone? We’re left with a handful of social media personalities—Kémi Séba, Franklin Nyamsi, and Nathalie Yamb—who dominate online discourse. Séba, stripped of his French citizenship, Nyamsi facing French sanctions for anti-French activism, and Yamb under EU sanctions for similar reasons, all claim persecution for their anti-Western, particularly anti-French, stances. But where lies true panafricanism when these figures openly serve Russian interests? Can liberation truly come through replacing French domination with Russian influence? The atrocities committed by Russian-backed forces in the Sahel speak volumes about the emptiness of such claims.

According to leaked communications, Séba himself accuses Nyamsi and Yamb of opportunism, alleging they now work for Faure Gnassingbé, Togo’s president. Shockingly, Séba reportedly laments the loss of his French citizenship. Let’s be clear: this brand of panafricanism is corrupted, stale, and amounts to little more than deception. Yet Africa cannot survive its current global predators without urgent unity. The continent must embrace a genuine panafricanist emergency—or face continued fragmentation and decline.