Moroccan intelligence infiltrated Polisario from Latin America

A fascinating and unprecedented look into Morocco’s secret intelligence and diplomatic operations emerges from a set of confidential letters sent in October 2008 from the Moroccan embassy in Caracas, Venezuela. These documents reveal how Rabat devised a strategy of infiltration and diplomatic counterattack to weaken the Polisario Front and push back against Algerian influence in Central America, using intelligence provided by Sahrawi diplomat Salama Ould Hennane.

Addressed directly to Yassine El Mansouri, head of Morocco’s foreign intelligence service DGED, and signed by Ambassador Dr Brahim Housseine Moussa, these letters expose deep tribal divisions among the separatists and significant geopolitical shifts, particularly in Panama.

Tribal divisions: The Rguibate versus other tribes as a tool to split Polisario

Central to these revelations is a golden opportunity for Rabat: the potential defection of top Polisario officials. Ambassador Moussa reports being approached repeatedly by a man using the alias M. Sliman, who is Salama Ould Hennane, a native of Dakhla from the Oulad Dlim tribe and former “ambassador” of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (RASD) to Panama and Central America.

Sliman’s assessment is clear: a “very strong discontent” is shaking the separatist movement. The cause is blatant favoritism by Polisario’s leadership toward the Rguibatte tribe exclusively, at the expense of other tribal groups including Oulad Dlim, Oulad Tidrarine, Ait Lahcen, Ait Baamran, and the Takna confederation.

“This is the ideal moment to take action inside Polisario, to weaken it further and unite the movement’s opponents around the autonomy project.”

Sliman claims to have the backing of several prominent RASD figures to create an internal rebellion, including:

• Ahmed ould Souilem, delegate minister for Arab affairs
• Mahfoud Ould Ahmed Zine, former minister and military region commander
• Mansour, former foreign minister and representative in Paris

The proposed plan to the DGED is bold: push these figures to form an official opposition group, announce their defection at an international press conference likely in Madrid, and publicly declare support for Morocco’s Autonomy Project. Ambassador Moussa even suggests to his superiors that Sliman be used as an “infiltrated agent” to carry out the destabilization.

The Central American battle: Algeria’s blank cheque

Beyond internal conflicts, the letters reveal a fierce influence war between Rabat and Algiers in Latin America. In October 2008, Moroccan diplomacy learned that a high-level Algerian delegation, led by Algeria’s ambassador to Washington, M. Baali, was preparing a tour of Central America.

Algiers’ goal was to counter the progress of Morocco’s autonomy plan presented at the UN. To win over Latin American capitals, Algeria offered a “package of cooperation projects” – meaning financial and economic aid – in exchange for alignment with separatist positions. Meanwhile, Polisario sent its envoy Mohamed Yaslem Beissat to Panama to try to repair the damage.

Panama’s strategic pivot

Panama emerges as the true epicenter of this standoff. The documents confirm a major chill between Panama City and the separatists. Panamanian authorities refused to accredit a new RASD ambassador, effectively downgrading the Sahrawi representation to the lower rank of a simple “chargé d’affaires.”

In response, the Moroccan ambassador raised the alarm to Rabat: Panama expects a reciprocal gesture. He urged Morocco to send an official envoy to seal the bilateral thaw and permanently block the Algerians.

In a final lobbying effort, the Moroccan diplomat revealed he had activated his trusted networks within the Panamanian government to block Polisario’s demands, wielding a thinly veiled threat: any reversal by Panama “could harm bilateral relations with the Kingdom of Morocco.”

Mohamed Abdelaziz’s secret agenda

Demonstrating the precision of intelligence gathered by the embassy, a document dated October 27, 2008 details the upcoming agenda of then-Polisario leader Mohamed Abdelaziz: a visit to New York on November 4 to meet UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, followed by a trip on November 9 to Valencia, Spain for the closing of the European Conference of Support for the Sahrawi People (EUCOCO).

These diplomatic archives reveal the raw reality of the Sahara conflict: a shadow war where North Africa and Latin America intersect, and where the strength of alliances is determined as much in the secrecy of embassy salons as on the ground of tribal rivalries.