When Captain Ibrahim Traoré seized power in Burkina Faso on 30 September 2022, toppling Lieutenant-Colonel Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba, he promised a radical break with the past. Four years on, the junta leader points to a reclaimed territory, a stronger army, renewed national sovereignty and a clean rupture with several Western partners. Yet the consequences of his rule are being felt far beyond the battlefield — in overcrowded displacement camps, in newsrooms under pressure, and in the lives of citizens who say they are still waiting for the security they were promised.

The human cost of a war that never ends

From his first days in office, Traoré made the fight against armed jihadist groups his absolute priority. His government poured resources into the armed forces and expanded the Volunteers for the Defence of the Homeland (VDP), civilian auxiliaries tasked with backing up the military. Officials say several areas once controlled or threatened by insurgents have been retaken, and they highlight growing military capacity and popular mobilisation as proof that the strategy is working.

But four years later, the violence has not stopped. Armed groups continue to attack security forces and civilians alike. The Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) notes that jihadist groups retain significant operational capacity across Burkina Faso and that attacks on civilians remain a central feature of the conflict. The result is a paradox that defines daily life for millions: the state claims to control more territory, yet insecurity remains a constant reality in many regions.

More than two million displaced — and the numbers keep rising

The most visible consequence of the conflict is the displacement of civilians. According to UNHCR data, more than two million people were internally displaced inside Burkina Faso by the end of 2025, in addition to refugees and asylum seekers. The agency’s October–December 2025 figures put the number of internally displaced persons at more than 2.06 million.

These displacements are not solely the result of jihadist attacks. Human Rights Watch has also documented violence by government forces and VDP fighters against civilians accused of supporting armed groups. The organisation says it documented attacks that killed at least 1,800 civilians between 2023 and 2025, while stressing that abuses have been committed by multiple parties to the conflict.

The plight of the displaced captures a central failure of the security record: retaking territory does not automatically mean guaranteeing lasting safety for the people who live there.

Journalists under pressure: a shrinking space for independent voices

Another major shift during Traoré’s four years concerns press freedom. The authorities justify certain measures by citing the war effort and the need to protect the morale of troops and civilians. But press freedom organisations describe a dramatic narrowing of the media landscape.

Reporters Without Borders (RSF) says several journalists have been arrested, abducted or called up to join the armed forces. In 2025 alone, the organisation recorded multiple cases of journalists subjected to forced enlistment and eight journalists questioned by security services during the month of October.

The case of Atiana Serge Oulon, publication director of the newspaper L’Événement, has become emblematic. Abducted in June 2024, he was presented by the authorities as having been requisitioned to serve in the army. A 2026 investigation published by RSF, however, claims he was held secretly in Ouagadougou rather than sent to the front, contradicting the official account.

Forced enlistment: a new tool of repression?

The issue of forced enlistment extends well beyond journalists. Human Rights Watch reports that dozens of government critics were requisitioned and sent to combat zones. The organisation says the practice has affected journalists, civil society activists, opponents and magistrates.

The phenomenon is particularly sensitive because it blurs the line between national mobilisation and political punishment. In wartime, the state has legal mechanisms for national defence mobilisation. But human rights organisations stress that such procedures must respect legal safeguards and allow those concerned to challenge their assignment.

A sovereignty agenda with a domestic price tag

Traoré defends a vision built on sovereignty and a break from old dependencies. Burkina Faso has distanced itself from France, strengthened ties with Russia and moved closer to Mali and Niger within the Alliance of Sahel States. The government also promotes policies to process resources locally, particularly in the mining sector.

But this assertion of sovereignty has come with a shrinking political and civic space. According to several organisations, journalists, activists, opponents and human rights defenders have been arrested, detained or forced into exile.

Four years on, an unfinished reckoning

Four years after the September 2022 coup, Traoré’s record cannot be reduced to a single narrative. His government can point to the militarisation of the fight against armed groups, the mobilisation of the VDP, the pursuit of greater strategic autonomy and some economic advances.

Yet the displacement figures, the persistence of attacks and the accusations of abuses against civilians show that the security crisis remains deep. At the same time, the arrests of journalists, disappearances and forced enlistments documented by international organisations raise the question of the price being paid in the name of war.

In Burkina Faso, after four years of military rule, the challenge is twofold: reclaiming territory, but also ensuring that the reconquest does not come at the expense of the rights and protection of the people living through it.

By Mariama Hamani — Analyst