June 15, 2026

The African Tribune

Bold, independent reporting on Africa's most important stories, in English, every day.

Banco between Branco and Sonko: a web of illicit dealings exposed

The past few days have seen an unusual controversy emerge, one that defies conventional logic. At its heart lies a leaked letter from Juan Branco, a prominent French-Spanish lawyer and essayist, addressed to Ousmane Sonko, Senegal’s former Prime Minister. The document, dated February 4, 2025, outlines five key requests from Branco, positioning them as favors between close allies.

Judicial interventions and sovereignty concerns

Branco’s first demand revolves around a Spanish judge’s commission rogatoire concerning his alleged abduction in Mauritania. He urges Sonko to pressure Senegalese judicial authorities to expedite cooperation, subtly invoking Senegal’s sovereignty by suggesting French interference in the case. This raises serious questions about the integrity of the legal process and the potential overreach of external actors.

Demands for classified intelligence documents

The lawyer’s second request targets classified intelligence files from Senegal’s former administration under President Macky Sall, particularly those involving French security agencies. Branco claims a powerful counter-narrative in France has triggered disciplinary and criminal proceedings against him, citing a 2023 kompromat attempt involving a Senegalese agent ahead of a critical hearing. His plea for access to these documents not only risks violating Senegal’s penal code—specifically Articles 61 and 371—but also threatens national security and professional confidentiality.

Political and financial entanglements in international justice

Branco’s third concern involves the France-CPI case concerning alleged crimes against humanity linked to Senegal’s former president. He implores Sonko to intervene directly, particularly on financial grounds. Such a move would not only breach legal protocols but also expose both men to severe judicial and political repercussions. Public or partisan funding of private prosecutions for crimes against humanity—without Senegal as a civil party—could constitute embezzlement or misuse of public funds. By bypassing official channels like commission rogatoires, Branco and Sonko risk undermining international judicial credibility and transforming justice into a tool of political favoritism.

Citizenship and institutional influence

Branco’s fourth demand highlights his long-standing ambition to represent Senegal at the United Nations, a role he claims aligns with the current government’s sovereignist and pan-Africanist agenda. After learning of his exclusion from diplomatic circles, he pivots to seeking Senegalese citizenship through presidential prerogative—a move that would allow him to practice law in Senegal and teach at the Cheikh Anta Diop University in Dakar. This request underscores a pattern of circumventing institutional norms, violating the principle of equality before the law, and raising conflicts of interest due to his French nationality.

The shift in Branco’s relationship with Sonko is telling. Once framed as a moral creditor—citing past sacrifices like detention and abduction—he now frames his activism as a transactional exchange, demanding political and symbolic favors in return. His exclusion from diplomatic circles appears to have soured their alliance, turning what was once a militant partnership into a muted claim for administrative and financial concessions.

Financial transparency and hidden costs

In his final point, Branco outlines the financial compensation he has received, totaling €15,000 between 2023 and 2025. This includes €2,000 in expenses reimbursed by Senegalese lawyer Bamba Cissé during a visit to Dakar. Branco argues these funds were insufficient to cover his work, abduction-related expenses, and ongoing legal battles in France. The lack of a formal contract with the Senegalese state raises concerns about the legality of these transactions. If the money originated from public funds, the informal transfer could constitute embezzlement, bypassing procurement laws and the State’s Judicial Agent. The opacity of these dealings further highlights a departure from the original ideological alliance to a purely transactional relationship.