Burkina Faso’s political transition: navigating change and reconciliation

The interpretation of what constitutes a coup d’état often shifts, influenced by the international community’s will and the specific interests of neighboring states. In Burkina Faso, the appointment of interim President Michel Kafando was deemed unconstitutional. Consequently, the nation will operate for at least twelve months under newly established interim institutions.

Much like assembling a Lego set, the transitional institutions are gradually taking shape. Since the emergence of military uniforms on the public scene, following the sudden departure of the ‘Sphinx of Kosyam’ (Blaise Compaoré), Ouagadougou appears to be regaining a sense of calm.

Lieutenant-Colonel Isaac Zida, seemingly from nowhere, quickly asserted his authority, claiming all the prerogatives of a Head of State. What were his true intentions? How did he manage to integrate among the demonstrators and political party leaders? Was his deployment to the Place de la Révolution, perhaps, a calculated decision made in concert between President Blaise Compaoré and General Gilbert Diendéré, an attempt to retain control? Initially, an officer from the Presidential Security Regiment (RSP) aligning with the people naturally sparked mistrust and significant suspicion. The military’s actions and measures in the early days – including the suspension of the Constitution and the dissolution of the National Assembly – fueled fears of a junta, threatening to strip the populace, who had sacrificed their blood, of their hard-won victory.

The African Union, true to form, immediately threatened to isolate Burkina Faso. Simultaneously, a contingent of ECOWAS heads of state – including John Dramani Mahama of Ghana, Goodluck Jonathan of Nigeria, and Macky Sall of Senegal – arrived to engage with the military leadership, urging them to modify their stance. The precedent set by ‘Captains’ Daddis Camara in Guinea and Sanogo in Mali undoubtedly prompted the Burkinabé officers to reconsider: firstly, seizing power by force is no longer tolerated with impunity; secondly, a protracted crisis resolution process risked isolating the country and incurring growing public unpopularity.

Ultimately, the military negotiated a pragmatic compromise, formalized in the Transition Charter. The agreement stipulated that the transitional presidency would be led by a civilian, while the military would maintain significant influence over the government. Concurrently, a 90-member legislative body, the National Transition Council (CNT), was created to accommodate key figures who spearheaded the struggle. A twenty-member Designation Committee was entrusted with the crucial task of naming a Transitional President. This was a fixed-term contract (CDD) set to conclude in November 2015, corresponding to the end of President Blaise Compaoré’s original mandate.

For the presidential appointment, each component of the nation’s vital forces – the army, civil society, opposition parties, religious, and traditional authorities – was required to submit a shortlist within a specified timeframe. In the end, five personalities were shortlisted:

The opposition and civil society put forward two journalists: Newton Ahmed Barry, director of the weekly ‘L’Evènement’, and Chériff Sy Moumina, publishing director of the weekly ‘Bendré’. Their legitimacy stemmed from their media outlets’ outspoken criticism of the former regime. The military adopted a broader approach, diversifying its candidates: an ecclesiastic, Archbishop Mgr Ouédraogo of Bobo Dioulasso; a diplomat, Michel Kafando; and a woman who was also a former minister, Joséphine Ouédraogo. Early on, Archbishop Ouédraogo, initially a strong contender, declared his disinterest in the role, preferring to focus on his current ministry.

The remaining two candidates held an advantage over the others due to their extensive experience in prominent international institutions. Madame Joséphine Ouédraogo had served with the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA), while Michel Kafando had twice represented his country at the UN headquarters in New York, first between 1981 and 1982, and again from 1998 to 2011. In the ‘Land of the Upright Men’, an invisible divide often separates the populace into supporters or detractors of Thomas Sankara. This implicit cleavage has influenced every political figure throughout their careers. Joséphine Ouédraogo served as Minister of Family Development and Solidarity from 1984 to 1987. Michel Kafando was Minister of Foreign Affairs in Prime Minister Thomas Sankara’s government, under President Jean-Baptiste Ouedraogo in 1982. The two men reportedly had disagreements on how to conduct Haute-Volta’s diplomacy and held fundamentally opposing ideologies.

A career within an international institution offered a dual benefit: a boost to one’s curriculum vitae and an invaluable network of contacts. This proved to be a disadvantage for the two aspiring journalists presented by the opposition.

For several months, Michel Kafando, the retired diplomat, will temporarily abandon his cattle and chicken farming in Saponé for a noble cause: safeguarding the nation in peril! He will concurrently hold the Transitional Presidency and the portfolio of Minister of Foreign Affairs. This dual role streamlines diplomatic channels, providing international partners with a single interlocutor and effectively bypassing the head of government, Isaac Zida.

The unfolding situation in Burkina Faso was closely observed from numerous capitals: Accra, which currently chairs ECOWAS; Addis Ababa, for the African Union; and Paris and Washington, due to geopolitical considerations. On the day of Michel Kafando’s inauguration, several Heads of State – from Mauritania (African Union), Ghana (ECOWAS), Togo, Bénin, Mali, and Niger – made the journey, a gesture aimed at rehabilitating Burkina Faso. Did this significant representation implicitly endorse the reinstatement of a constitution that had been suspended just weeks prior? The Americans typically adhere to the principle of not cooperating with heads of state who have not obtained the mandate of universal suffrage, which is currently the case for Burkina Faso. The international community thus found a way to cosmetically adjust the coup d’état and restore a semblance of the Constitution. Consequently, American reconnaissance aircraft will remain in Ouagadougou, as Uncle Sam relies on Mauritania and Burkina Faso as strategic footholds for monitoring the Sahel region.

Out of 26 ministerial positions, the military secured four key portfolios: the Prime Minister also held the Ministry of Defense; Colonel Auguste Denise Barry, a former Security Minister in 2011, was appointed to Administration, Territorial Decentralization, and Security (MATDS); Colonel David Kabré, spokesperson for Lieutenant-Colonel Isaac Zida, took charge of Sports; and Boubacar Ba assumed the highly strategic Ministry of Mines and Energy. Joséphine Ouédraogo was given the post of Keeper of the Seals – as a form of consolation – while Augustin Loada, a university lecturer and prominent civil society figure, was named to the Public Service. Adama Sagnon, who inherited the Ministry of Culture, had to resign a few days after his appointment, facing pressure from civil society who criticized the former prosecutor for having ‘closed’ the Norbert Zongo case.

The National Transition Council (CNT), the interim legislative body, elected Chériff Sy Moumina, one of the unsuccessful candidates for the transitional presidency, as its president. He was chosen by his peers with 71 out of 90 votes. The next crucial step involves completing the establishment of institutions and mechanisms that will guide Burkina Faso towards transparent and equitable elections: the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI), the electoral code, and various organic laws.

What missions for this short transitional period?

Since the beginning of December, Michel Kafando has signed the presidential decree establishing the National Reconciliation and Reforms Commission (CRNR). The scope and duration of this body’s mandate are yet to be fully defined. More than 27 years after Thomas Sankara’s assassination, the ‘Land of the Upright Men’ finally seeks to embark on a process of catharsis. Immediately following his designation, one of President Michel Kafando’s first decisions was to authorize investigations to identify Thomas Sankara’s remains. Prime Minister Isaac Zida was not to be outdone; he also announced that the file on President Thomas Sankara’s assassination would be ‘fully opened,’ and that, if necessary, Burkina Faso would request Morocco’s ‘extradition’ of former President Blaise Compaoré.

Through a series of high-profile announcements, the current leaders have opened a Pandora’s Box. Such sensitive cases typically demand an extended period, likely exceeding the current transition. Were these declarations made to appease opponents of the Blaise Compaoré regime? As Minister of Defense, army reform should have been Isaac Zida’s primary focus. In this regard, General Gilbert Diendéré – Blaise Compaoré’s former chief of staff and Isaac Zida’s direct superior – was dismissed from his duties by President Michel Kafando. He was replaced by Commander Théophile Nikièma, former head of the RSP’s ‘Operations and Instruction’ Bureau and also director of External Documentation, essentially the Kosyam palace intelligence service.

Will Lieutenant-Colonel Isaac Zida and Commander Théophile Nikièma remain loyal to General Gilbert Diendéré? Burkina Faso managed to defuse the political crisis of October 30, which led to Blaise Compaoré’s downfall, with relatively few complications. The intervention of RSP elements during the clashes could have triggered a civil war. Would it not be more prudent to focus on organizing elections rather than implicating General Gilbert Diendéré and other living civilian and military figures by re-opening the Sankara file?

How can a ‘witch hunt’ be avoided? Two general managers of major national companies, considered close to the ousted president’s family, have already been dismissed: Jean-Baptiste Bérehoundougou from the National Burkinabé Hydrocarbons Company (SONABHY) and Jean Christophe Ilboudo from the National Burkinabé Electricity Company (SONABEL). An act of contrition, such as the recent initiative by Gilbert Noël Ouédraogo of the Alliance for Democracy and Federation – African Democratic Rally (ADF-RDA), a political party affiliated with the former presidential movement, does not fully absolve past transgressions but contributes to reconciliation. Similarly, the nation paid tribute to the seven individuals who tragically fell during the events of October 30 and 31; they now rest in Gounghin cemetery.

Will the CRNR persist beyond the conclusion of the transition period? Now that all institutions are established, political figures and parties will undoubtedly take center stage. No prominent political heavyweights sought positions within either the Executive or the CNT, which effectively bars them from running in universal suffrage elections. Presidential candidates are now positioned at the starting blocks. The creation of the CNT also provided an opportunity for the CFOP, the opposition coalition, to self-dissolve. The political contest is expected to commence vigorously in early 2015.